United States’ lack of integrity is plunging Middle East into deeper Turmoil, By Disu Kamor
In an assault on the occupied Gaza Strip in May of 2021, Israel deployed hundreds of bombs, missiles, and shells, killing over 240 Palestinians and wounding more than 1,900 others. More than half of the dead were civilians, according to the Israeli think tank Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center. The vast majority of the weapons used during the military assault were either made, funded or subsidized by the U.S. and in the aftermath of what majority of U.S. media referred to as “military incursion”, humanitarian projects, multiple hospitals and water treatment facilities and dozens of schools were all destroyed.
Although it was the former U.S. President Jimmy Carter that first referred to Gaza Strip (what used to be Gaza City is now Gaza Strip due to land theft by Israel), as “world’s largest open air prison”, the blockade of the Gaza Strip by land, air, and sea (by Israel and Egypt), has made the Strip, the same size as Cape Town or Detroit, the most densely populated areas in the world. To restrict Palestinian movements, in 1995, Israel built an electronic fence and concrete wall around the Gaza Strip, virtually ending interactions between it and other Palestinian territories. In 2001, Israel bombed and demolished the Gaza airport, only three years after it opened.
In the midst of all these, United States stores its largest stockpile of weapons in Israel and makes them readily available to Israel, which Israel has used at least twice. Also, the U.S. maintains some military personnel in Israel, which periodically conduct exercises with Israeli occupation army — most recent of which was this past July. In addition, its provides at least $3.8B to Israel annually as military aid. Immediately there first Hamas rocket fell on Tel Aviv during the current crisis, President Biden, reading a statement probably drafted in Tel Aviv, offered “iron-clad” support to Israel, while tacitly urging it to respond to Hamas’ “enough is enough” attacks with the same “shock and awe” strategy it, the United States, used in Iraq.
In breathtaking statements, the United States officials, from the Congress to the State Secretary, condemned Hamas “terrorist attack” on poor Israel. As usual, the routine statements apply the principle of cause and effect to immediately justify Israel’s need to “defend itself” in a manner that de-contextualizes Palestinian militancy, thereby depriving the latter of any semblance of legitimacy. The nursery rhymes from Israel’s strongest ally was on e again: Israel must defend itself. And Hamas must bear responsibility for the “unprovoked” attack on Israel and Israeli civilians. These statements rarely, if ever, consider Palestinian violence to be the effect — only the cause.
But let us be clear about something. Hamas is never the issue, or the problem here. Hamas was only founded in 1987, as an organization to resist occupation that was already close to 2 decades old when it was founded. The problem is Israeli illegal occupation of Palestine which is nearly 60 years old, Israel’s inhumane treatment of the Palestinians, expansion of illegal settlements, settlers violence and provocation, desecration of holy sites, denial of right of return, and policies of apartheid and oppression with absolutely no consequences or accountability. These are the problems. Once there is no occupation, there will be no resistance to occupation. But no one should delude himself that the oppressor is entitled to peace from the oppressed.
Everyone agrees that Israel is in violation of international law. This is not an ethnic issue, it is not a religious issue or even a difficult legal issue. The legality of settlements and the right of return of refugees are basic principles of international law.
When an honest person applies the basic principles of justice, equity and fairness to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, you get unambiguous answers about who is right and who is wrong. Nevertheless, the problem is that when it comes to enforcing the law, the mechanisms of international law are weak. The United States vetos international law despite international public opinion and on countless occasions, has vetoed UN resolutions acting, alone and lonely, against the international consensus on the solution to the conflict.
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